Vancouver: In public discourse, absence is often mistaken for exclusion. When former U.S. President Donald Trump released a list highlighting immigrant groups whose households receive welfare benefits in the United States, India’s omission triggered predictable reactions — confusion, speculation, and in some quarters, a sense of grievance. Yet this moment calls not for complaint, but for introspection — and perhaps, quiet pride.

The Indian diaspora in the United States is one of the largest, most visible, and most economically influential immigrant communities. If India does not appear on a chart measuring welfare dependency, it is not because it was overlooked, but because it did not fit the narrative such a chart was designed to tell. Sometimes, data speaks loudest in what it does not say.

Indian immigrants, by and large, arrived through pathways that demanded skills, education and employability. Engineers, doctors, researchers, entrepreneurs — many came already equipped to contribute, not merely participate. Over time, this translated into higher median incomes, lower unemployment, and minimal reliance on public assistance. These are not symbolic achievements; they are structural outcomes of decades of emphasis on education, mobility and self-reliance.

To respond to this absence with complaint would be a misunderstanding about  its meaning — and worse, to risk diluting a hard-earned reputation. In global professional ecosystems, reputation is shaped less by protest and more by performance. The Indian community’s standing in the U.S. has been built quietly: through classrooms, hospitals, courtrooms, laboratories and boardrooms — not through demands for recognition.

There is also a cultural dimension at play. Indian success abroad has often been understated, almost invisible by design. It manifests not in slogans, but in stability; not in outrage, but in outcomes. The absence of India from a welfare-dependence list aligns with that tradition — a reminder that credibility often lies beyond the frame of political messaging.

This is not to suggest that every Indian immigrant prospers equally, or that hardship does not exist. It does. But national narratives are not built on exceptions; they are shaped by dominant patterns. And the dominant pattern here is one of contribution, not dependency.

In an age of performative nationalism and instant outrage, restraint itself can be a statement. India does not need to insert itself into every global debate to affirm its place. Sometimes, dignity lies in allowing facts to stand unamplified.

The invisible, in this case, is not a slight. It is a testament. And perhaps the most confident response is not to ask why India was missing — but to recognize why it did not need to be mentioned at all.

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Vancouver: Whenever U.S.–India relations make headlines, there is a temptation to ask whether the partnership is “booming” or “breaking.” The truth, as it stands today, is more complicated—and more interesting. The relationship between Washington and New Delhi is neither fragile nor frictionless. It is mature enough to disagree, strong enough to endure those disagreements, and uncertain enough to make the next few years genuinely consequential.

If measured by official language alone, the relationship appears to be in excellent health. Leaders on both sides speak of shared values, strategic trust, and a common vision for the Indo-Pacific. Military exercises continue to grow in scale and sophistication. Cooperation spans defense, technology, space, climate, and education. Few bilateral relationships today are as wide in scope.

Over the past year, tensions over trade, tariffs, and India’s energy choices—particularly its continued engagement with Russia—have strained the tone of the partnership. Sharp rhetoric from Washington and retaliatory frustration in New Delhi have reminded both sides that strategic alignment does not erase national interest. The relationship has not derailed, but it has lost some of its easy momentum.

This moment matters because U.S.–India ties are no longer driven by novelty or symbolism. The “historic breakthrough” phase is over. What remains is the harder work of managing expectations between two countries that are powerful, proud, and unwilling to subordinate their interests to the other.

At the strategic level, the logic of partnership is undeniable. The United States sees India as central to maintaining balance in Asia—too large to ignore, too independent to control, and too important to fail as a partner. In turn India recognizes that the U.S. remains unmatched in technology, capital, and global influence. Their cooperation is not sentimental; it is practical.

One of the persistent misunderstandings in Washington is the assumption that deeper partnership should naturally lead to closer alignment on every major global issue. India has never accepted that premise. It’s foreign policy has always been shaped by a desire to preserve room for maneuver, avoid entanglement, and make decisions case by case. This is not indecision; it is doctrine.

India’s engagement with Russia, most visibly in energy, has become the point where these differences surface most openly.  Washington see it as a contradiction. In New Delhi, it is understood as a necessary choice—rooted in economics, history, and a reluctance to allow outside pressure to define national policy. Neither side is acting irrationally—but they are operating from different assumptions.

Trade has become another fault line.  Even as both governments talk about building closer economic ties, old disagreements over tariffs, trade, and regulations are quietly resurfacing. For Indian businesses, these measures feel at odds with the promises of partnership. From the U.S. perspective, economic pressure has simply become a normal part of diplomacy. But if this gap between words and actions isn’t addressed, it could quietly sow long-term mistrust.

Defense cooperation is still going strong. Today, the two militaries work together more closely than ever before. Intelligence sharing, joint exercises, and coordination on equipment happen quietly and steadily—not through flashy announcements, but through consistent, professional collaboration.. These ties are built quietly—and that is often what makes them durable.

Technology collaboration is following a similar path. Cooperation in semiconductors, artificial intelligence, space research, and advanced manufacturing reflects a shared understanding that future power will be defined less by territory and more by innovation. These are long-term bets, insulated from the daily churn of political disputes.

Perhaps the most underappreciated strength of the relationship lies outside government altogether. The Indian diaspora in the United States—students, scientists, entrepreneurs, doctors—forms a human bridge that no policy disagreement can easily sever. These connections shape perceptions, soften rhetoric, and create incentives for stability on both sides. Governments argue; societies adapt.

In Washington, there is a growing impulse to sort partners into neat categories—aligned or unaligned, cooperative or obstructive. India fits none of these boxes comfortably. In New Delhi, there is rising skepticism about being described as a “key partner” while being subjected to public pressure and economic penalties. These perceptions are important because once trust is lost, it’s hard to get back.

The real danger isn’t a sudden breakup. It’s quieter—a slow shrinking of what the relationship can achieve. A relationship that continues to function, but stops dreaming big. That would be a loss—not just for the two countries involved, but for a global order that increasingly depends on flexible, plural partnerships rather than rigid alliances.

For the United States, the challenge is learning to work with an India that insists on being itself—independent, opinionated, and occasionally inconvenient. For India, the challenge is balancing autonomy with responsibility, ensuring that its insistence on strategic freedom does not slide into strategic ambiguity.

The U.S.–India relationship has reached a stage where success will not be measured by joint statements or summit photos, but by how well both sides manage disagreement without letting it define the partnership.  If they can manage that, the relationship won’t just survive—it could help shape global affairs for years to come.

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Chandigarh: Gangster Goldy Brar, the prime accused in the Sidhu Moosewala murder case, is now officially among Canada’s top 25 most wanted criminals.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) listed him at number 15 among wanted criminals. This has come to light through the website of the Canada-based Bolo program, which disseminates information in the public interest from various law agencies.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has recently chargesheeted Brar and his associates Lawrence Bishnoi (in Bathinda jail), and Anmol Bishnoi (last seen in California, USA), claiming that they have links with terror outfits. India has on several occasions strongly asked the Canadian government not to allow criminals like Goldie Brar to use their soil for crimes and terrorist acts against India.

India has on several occasions strongly asked the Canadian government not to allow criminals like Goldie Brar to use their soil for crimes and terrorist acts against India.

The Bolo programme’s website, which has featured brar’s photo, says the main goal of the Bolo programme is to tell the public about Canada’s most wanted criminals.

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Chandigarh: Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann on Tuesday said that ‘dawn of new era’ has taken place in the state with the unprecedented pro-people initiative of changing office hours which will save 350 Megawatts (MW) of power daily and around Rs 40-45 crore from May 2-to July 15.

Apart from facilitating the people, the landmark move will also help in enhancing the efficiency of the government employees, asserted the Chief Minister while interacting with the media persons here at the committee room in the Punjab Civil Secretariat I.

CM, who set the example by arriving in his office at 7:28 am, said that this decision has been taken after taking the consent of the majority of the stakeholders in a series of deliberations. He said that this decision will act as a catalyst in saving the people from scorching heat that is expected to be witnessed in the coming months. Bhagwant Mann said that though the tradition of setting watches in accordance with change of weather has been a routine feature in many western nations but in India this historic initiative has been taken for the first time.

Dwelling more details, the Chief Minister said that it will enable a common man to do his work early in the morning without taking leave from his work. Likewise, he said that this will also facilitate the employees as they will be able to attend the social functions after the office hours. Similarly, Bhagwant Mann said that the employees will also be able to spend more time with their children who will also come home at the same time.

Mann said that this decision is likely to save 350 MW of power daily in government offices thereby curtailing the power expenditure of the government offices considerably. He said that as per statistics of the POWERCOM 1:30 pm to 4 pm is the peak hour of the power usage but as now the offices will be closed at 2 pm so it will help in cutting power usage. Bhagwant Mann said that on an average Rs 16- Rs 17 crore will be saved every month adding that from May 2- July 15, the state government is expected to save Rs 40- Rs 42 crore.

He said that the new time table will also ensure that maximum sunlight is utilized in the government offices. He said that after July 15 the decision will be reviewed after taking feedback from all the stakeholders, especially the common man. Bhagwant Mann assured the people that the state government will take more such citizen centric decisions in the coming days too for which advance planning has already been done.

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New Delhi: In the Delhi liquor scam case, a supplementary charge sheet has been filed by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in the Delhi Excise Policy case. In this charge sheet, name of AAP Rajya Sabha MP Raghav Chadha has also come up. Many big revelations have been made in this charge sheet of the ED.

According to the ED charge sheet, Manish Sisodia’s former secretary Arvind has named Raghav Chadha in his statement.

According to the charge sheet, Arvind in his statement said that a meeting was held at the residence of Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia, in which Raghav Chadha, Excise and Taxation Officers of Punjab and others were present. Raghav Chadha has been named in the charge sheet but he is not named as an accused.

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Chandigarh: The Punjab Cabinet Minister Lalchand Kataruchak has termed the allegations of Congress leader Sukhpal Singh Khaira as baseless and false. He said that my son has never been my official phone attendant. There is no truth to Khaira’s words.

Minister Kataruchak said that for the last 11 months my official phone attendant is Sandeep Kumar. His father’s name is Shiv Lal. He is a resident of Sharna village of our assembly constituency Bhoa. And my cook’s name is Lekh Ram Sunar. His father’s name is Maun Singh. He is a resident of Dinanagar in Gurdaspur district.

He said that Sukhpal Khaira is making false allegations against me by taking the name of my son with the intention of defaming me. I have never misused my position for the benefit of my family.

He said that Khaira’s main job is to remain in the media by creating sensationalism and take political mileage out of it. I appeal to the people of Punjab not to take his words seriously.

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Jalandhar: The Aam Aadmi Party has raised serious questions over Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) chief Harjinder Singh Dhami campaigning for the Akali Dal (Badal) candidate and seeking votes in the Jalandhar Lok Sabha by-election.

In a press conference held in Jalandhar on Monday, senior leader of Aam Aadmi Party and Agriculture Minister of Punjab Government, Kuldeep Singh Dhaliwal said that SGPC’s job is to propagate Sikhism, not to promote any political party.Therefore, SGPC chief should not do anything to hurt the dignity of his position.

He said that the top leadership of the Akali Dal, for whom SGPC chief Harjinder Singh Dhami is campaigning, has faced serious allegations like sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib and firing at Sikh Sangat. By propagating such a party, he has hurt the sentiments of the Sikh Sangat.

Questioning the SGPC head, he said “Why does he remain silent on the sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib and the incident of firing on Sikh Sangat in Kotkapura and Behbal Kalan?” Dhaliwal said that he has not spoken anything on this matter till date. He always kept his silence. While both these incidents have hurt the sikh sangat deeply.

He said that the duty of SGPC is to provide religious and social education to the children of Sikh community and to protect Sikh culture. It is quite wrong to use such an organization for political gains. He appealed to the SGPC chief that he should fulfill his responsibility honestly as per the laws of SGPC and should stay away from political activities

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New Delhi: In the event of an irretrievable breakdown of marriage, the Supreme Court can order a divorce directly on its behalf. The legal obligation of waiting for 6 months for divorce by mutual consent will also not be necessary in such a situation.

A 5-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court has given this decision. The bench has said that the Supreme Court can give such an order by using the special power given under Article 142 of the Constitution.

Section 13-B of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, provides that if the husband and wife can apply for divorce by mutual consent, then the family court can apply for divorce. But due to the high number of cases in the family court, it takes time to come before the judge for hearing the application.

After this, the first motion of divorce is issued, but the second motion i.e. a formal decree of divorce has to wait for 6 months.

The Supreme Court had earlier ordered divorce on its behalf using Article 142 on the ground that it was impossible to continue the marriage in many cases. Article 142 provides that in the interest of justice, the Supreme Court can pass any order, bypassing legal formalities.

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New Delhi: Congress leader Navjot Singh Sidhu today met wrestlers protesting against National Wrestling Federation chief Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh at Jantar Mantar in Delhi.

Earlier in a tweet, Sidhu had termed the protest as ‘Satyagraha’ and said that he would meet the wrestlers who were staging the sit-in.

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New Delhi: The price of a commercial cylinder of LPG (COOKING GAS) has come down by Rs 171.5 today after the softening trend in the international market. According to state-owned oil marketing companies, a 19-kg commercial cylinder is now priced at Rs 1,856 in Delhi. Earlier on April 1, it was reduced by Rs 91.5 per cylinder.

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